Earle A. Havens - Babelic Confusion Literary Forgery and the Bibliotheca Fictiva

Steven Avery

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Babelic Confusion Literary Forgery and the Bibliotheca Fictiva earle a. havens

And the earth was of one tongue, and of the same speech. . . . And they said: “Come, let us make a city and a tower, the top whereof may reach to heaven. . . .” And the Lord came down to see the city and the tower, . . . [a]nd he said: “Behold, it is one people, and all have one tongue: and they have begun to do this, neither will they leave off from their designs, till they accomplish them in deed. Come ye, therefore, let us go down, and there confound their tongue, that they may not understand one another’s speech.” . . . And therefore the name thereof was called Babel, . . . and from thence the Lord scattered them abroad upon the face of all countries. Genesis 11:1–9

Though few passages in the long and checkered history of early modern literary forgery ever rivaled the sublimity of the biblical book of Genesis, many shared the historic moment of the “Babelic confusion” as a common inheritance and metaphorical locus classicus. So many early modern forgers—from Annius of Viterbo to Laudivius Zacchia—felt compelled to fasten their fabulous inventions to the most ancient textual authorities in one way or another, and to model their fake enterprises on an imaginative, wide-open prospect of world empire known first to the tribes of the sons of Noah, and last to Rome itself. The Tower of Babel episode, echoing the Fall, and the Flood whose waters had only just receded, reenacted a needful separation of the singular divine supremacy within the kingdom of heaven from the infinitude of human error and confusion within the created world. Ironically, these accumulated catastrophes presented humankind with the essential ingredients of a civilizing process. Confusion of languages, ambiguity, discord, and a totalizing diaspora constituted divine punishments that were settled upon the naive and sinful peoples of the antediluvian and postdiluvian worlds as a means of correction, rather than complete annihilation. God’s mercy granted access to a gradual and

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civilizing maturity that could only be achieved through succeeding millennia of human hardship, competition, and a progressive mastery and subjugation of fissiparous confusions—cultural, linguistic, territorial—both biblically from the sons of Noah to the promise of Abraham, and classically from the city-states of ancient Greece to the Roman Empire. The larger narrative arc of Judeo- Christian history also assured only one final remedy to this semi-permanent state of striving after the Babelic confusion—the soteriological formula of salvation, which was itself definitively time-bound. The end of confusion was locked away within a future promise of the end of days, a divine final reckoning that had been revealed to mankind almost as anciently as the expulsion from the Garden of Eden, the Flood, and the Tower of Babel by the Old Testament prophets and in the New Testament’s Revelation of St. John the Divine. All were profoundly ancient, authoritative memorials to an upcoming end of days, the one, ultimate, inexorable, and inevitable resolution to mankind’s sin and confusion. Early modern forgers were keenly aware of changing attitudes and expectations about what might constitute plausible evidence from antiquity in their latter-day moment, along with new possibilities of access to ancient texts and textual authority. The epochal residue of Babelic confusion and the unquestionable, but materially fragmented, priority granted to ancient knowledge had combined with a novel humanist culture that was intimate with texts and textuality as never before. A novel early modern space was opened through which new lies could be projected as fragments of ancient revelation, regardless of where the forger’s own accident of birth may have fallen within the great timeline of history, somewhere between the alpha and the omega. The allied impulses of classical and biblical humanism added to the prestige of ancient textual authorities an increasingly palpable sense of a fresh, lucky chance to detect twitches of life within the long-presumed dead literature of an impossibly remote antiquity. The catastrophic desolation and material fragmentation of the ancient world needed not give way to complete pessimism; the ruins of Rome and the Holy Land could now be described afresh, even with new fascination and romance, by those humanists who had resolved to put the shattered pieces back together through texts, or simply to reinvent the missing puzzle parts through their learned imaginations. In Petrarch’s famous letter on his walking through the ancient Roman ruins, all that had fallen down from the time of Evander to the Visigoths emerged as thrilling touchstones of memory. His visions of the great moments that trans-
 

Steven Avery

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Others took up similarly specialized approaches in this almost entirely commodified enterprise, and we are sometimes blessed to know precisely who created them. One singular case includes an example of the somewhat crude but nevertheless successful forgeries of “ancient” Greek manuscripts by Constantine Simonides, who fooled several major collectors into paying substantial sums for his wares during the forger’s various bookselling visits to London in the 1850s and 1860s. Among his principal victims were the Liverpool collector Joseph Mayer and the most energetic and monomaniacal early manuscripts collector of the age, Sir Thomas Phillipps. Phillipps acquired several impossibly rare ancient Greek manuscript fragments from Simonides, among them an example of the aforementioned “Letter of Aristeas,” and others professed to be by Hesiod and even Homer himself, all of them fakes. Phillipps’s fourth wellknown purchase is now a part of the Bibliotheca Fictiva, a manuscript codex in Greek minuscule written on artificially aged vellum. It professes to preserve a “lost” history of Byzantine painting attributed to Meletios, a monk of Chios, who was supposed to have composed the manuscript on Mount Athos. Meant to be ancient, it was in fact a product of Simonides’s own fertile imagination and native command of Greek. This spectacular effort to fill one of the greatest gaping holes in the history of art is truly unique and original, for it appears, barring further investigation to the contrary, to have been composed entirely by Simonides himself. To date, this manuscript in the Bibliotheca Fictiva has received little serious scholarly attention.56 A final example of this colorful and audacious class of later autograph manuscript forgery marks the active career of the late-nineteenth-century Hermann Kyrieleis, who took up a special trade in the production of manuscript documents written, or at least signed, by the first generation of Protestant Reformers, most notably Martin Luther. Appealing in particular to the confessional patriotism of any Lutheran or, for that matter, of any Protestant with antiquarian interests, Kyrieleis offered irresistible treasures. These were no mere autographed bills, receipts, or mundane consistory reports, but rich and sometimes revelatory compositions, some replete with biographical details, others presenting the most intimate of glosses by the great Reformers regarding the fundamental tenets of reformed evangelical theology. Among the latter class of materials is an object far too good to be true: a twenty-seven-line poem written and signed in Luther’s autograph, a contemplation of the Lord’s Prayer, one of the most fundamental dogmatic formularies of the Christian tradition.57 To personalize the presentation, it is inscribed to a Jacob Dolly at Wittenberg,

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1529. Though the identity of the recipient is perhaps obscure, the date given to the manuscript is certainly not insignificant, for it was in that same year, perhaps more than any other single year, that reformed catechizing was on Luther’s mind. It was in 1529 that Luther composed his Large Catechism for parish clergy, and a much simpler Small Catechism for the laity, providing extensive and systematic Lutheran expositions of the Ten Commandments, the Apostles’ Creed, and of course, the Lord’s Prayer. Despite this personal juxtaposition of Luther’s little-known poetic powers to his contemporaneous dedication in 1529 to making the fundamental tenets of Lutheranism accessible to the broadest audiences, Kyrieleis could not resist gilding this lily as well. And so today this one manuscript leaf appears in the Bibliotheca Fictiva oddly tipped into a handsome leather binding that, in its own right, should stand as a clarion endorsement of the authenticity of the artifact it was made artificially to contain (the binding was clearly repurposed, having formerly held a slightly thicker, pamphlet-sized printed work replaced with Luther’s manuscript leaf). This authentic, late-sixteenth-century binding bears one of several of the personal gilt armorials employed by the eminent book collector and discriminating French historian of his own times, Jacques Auguste de Thou. Unfortunately for Kyrieleis, his career as a forger was not only exposed early on, but also well documented, including a printed inventory that contains an entry for this same “On the Lord’s Prayer” autograph poem, written by the Bibliotheca Fictiva’s very own “Martin Luther.” It is simply impossible to capture the full contours, breadth, and forensic sophistication of the Bibliotheca Fictiva in the space of a single essay, or even within an entire volume inspired by its contents. What has been presented here may at least provide an informative overview of the broader collection and a slightly more nuanced sense of the multifaceted contours of the greater “House of Forgery” that it represents. That now familiar term was first coined by Horace Walpole during the Thomas Chatterton affair, arguably the apex (alongside “Ossian”) of popular eighteenth-century English literary forgery that, ironically, secured for the young forger his apotheosis as the proverbial poet crying out into the wilderness.58 (Beloved by those more eager to remember him as an innocent victim of Walpole’s presumed snobbery and aristocratic indifference than as the forger of the mock-medieval Thomas Rowley poems, Chatterton’s famously indignant autograph letter concluding his failed solicitation of Walpole’s literary patronage also constitutes a high point in the Bibliotheca Fictiva collection.) The House of Forgery nonetheless presents an archi-
 

Steven Avery

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723. Phillipps published a lithographic facsimile of the Simonides Hesiod at his private Middle Hill press, ca. 1855. See also Charles Stewart, A Biographical Memoir of Constantine Simonides, Dr. Ph., of Stageira (London, 1859), possibly commissioned by Simonides as a self-vindication. Much of the Simonides affair is thoroughly treated in J. K. Elliott, Codex Sinaiticus and the Simonides

Babelic Confusion  73 Affair: An Examination of the Nineteenth Century Claim That the Codex Sinaiticus Was Not an Ancient Manuscript (Thessaloníki: Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies, 1982). This Simonides manuscript was acquired for the Sheridan Libraries of Johns Hopkins University through a generous grant from the Bernard Breslauer Foundation of New York. 57.  The ninety or so known Luther manuscripts forged by Kyrieleis were enumerated in Max Herrmann, ed., Ein Feste Burg Ist unser Gott: Vortrag mit Sechs Tafeln und Einem Biblio graphischen Anhang (Berlin: Behr, 1905), the Bibliotheca Fictiva document no. 33. 58.  Horace Walpole, Letter to the Editor of the Miscellanies of Thomas Chatterton (StrawberryHill, 1779), 24: “All of the House of Forgery are relations . . .”
 
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