Dionysius - Russico calligraphist and siggy on Sinaiticus can compare to other manuscripts like Panselenus for Didron! (Painter's Manual)

Steven Avery

Administrator
Dionysius of Fourna: Artistic Identity Through Visual Rhetoric
A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Art History (2015)
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE

Mateusz Jacek Ferens
https://escholarship.org/content/qt61n600dz/qt61n600dz_noSplash_23ee560b3084214ac090a3ef86a65ef7.pdf

8
Previous Literature on the Hermeneia

The Hermeneia of Dionysius was copied and subsequently disseminated
across the Balkans within the first few decades of its completion.7 However, it
took almost a century for it to be noticed by Western scholars. A partial copy of
Dionysius’s Hermeneia was first mentioned in a publication by G. Schorn in 1832.8
Schorn described a painter’s manual used by Euthymios Dimitri, who painted
some frescos at a Greek Orthodox chapel in Munich in 1828.9 However, not much
attention was given to this manual, and it was not until Adolphe Didron’s
publication that the study of Dionysius’s Hermeneia really began. During his
travels to several monasteries on Mount Athos in 1839, French archeologist
Didron came across copies of a painter’s manual used by artists in the Monastery
of Esphigmenou and in Karyes.10 To Didron, these texts where a kind of
revelation, and he came to the conclusion that they explained the similarity and
7. Kakavas, Dionysios of Fourna, 57.
8. G. Schorn, „

8
Previous Literature on the Hermeneia
The Hermeneia of Dionysius was copied and subsequently disseminated
across the Balkans within the first few decades of its completion.7 However, it
took almost a century for it to be noticed by Western scholars. A partial copy of
Dionysius’s Hermeneia was first mentioned in a publication by G. Schorn in 1832.8
Schorn described a painter’s manual used by Euthymios Dimitri, who painted
some frescos at a Greek Orthodox chapel in Munich in 1828.9 However, not much
attention was given to this manual, and it was not until Adolphe Didron’s
publication that the study of Dionysius’s Hermeneia really began. During his
travels to several monasteries on Mount Athos in 1839, French archeologist
Didron came across copies of a painter’s manual used by artists in the Monastery
of Esphigmenou and in Karyes.10 To Didron, these texts where a kind of
revelation, and he came to the conclusion that they explained the similarity and
7. Kakavas, Dionysios of Fourna, 57.

8. G. Schorn, „Nachricht über ein neugriechisches Malerbuch,“ Kunstblatt, No. 1-5, 1832.

9. Some parts of the painter’s manual used by Euthymios date to 1741 while the rest date to 1820.

10. Adolphe Napoleon Didron, Manuel d’Iconographie Chrétienne Grecque et Latine, trans. Paul
Durand, (Paris : Imprimerie Royale, 1845), iii-xlviii and xxii.
9
iconographic uniformity of the entire Medieval artistic tradition.11 Didron left
some money for the monks on Mount Athos to provide him with a copy of the
manuscript. However, this copy was not completed by the time Didron received
a different version of the manuscript, copied by Constantine Simonidis.
Simonidis’s copy of the Hermeneia was then translated into French by Paul
Durand and published by Didron in 1845. Later, Athanasius Papadopoulos-
Kerameus revealed that Simonidis’s copy was a forgery and that parts of it were
not genuine.12 Simonidis, who became a notorious forger, had inscribed the front
page of his version with the fictitious date of 1458, perhaps to add an element of
prestige and to raise the monetary value of the work.13 Simonidis’s spurious text
was translated into German by Godehard Schäfer in 185514 and partially
translated into English in 1886.15

11. Ibid, xxii-xxiii.

12. Athanasios Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Ερμηνεία της Ζωγραφικής Τέχνης (Hermeneia of the art
of painting), (St. Petersburg: Imprimerie B. Kirschbaum, 1909). δ’-η’.

13. Hetherington, The ‘Painter’s Manual,’ i. The copy by Simonidis, kept at the municipal library of
Chartres, was destroyed in 1944 according to Hetherington.


14. Godehard Schäfer, Ερμηνεία της Ζωγραφικής: Das Handbuch der Malerei vom Berge Athos aus
dem handschriftlichen neugriechischen Urtext übersetzt mit Anmerkungen von Didron d. Ä. und eigen
von G. Schäfer (Trier, 1855).

15. Adolphe Didron, Christian Iconography; or, the History of Christian Art in the Middle Ages, Vol. II,

The most trusted or accurate versions of the Hermeneia were first
published by scholars in the East. In 1868, the Russian bishop Porphyrii
Uspenskii published a Russian translation of the Hermeneia from a manuscript
that he found in Jerusalem, one which, according to Uspenskii, closely
corresponded to the earliest copies of Dionysius’s original.16 In 1909,
Papadopoulos-Kerameus published an edition of the entire Hermeneia in its
original Greek language.17 He based his edition on an eighteenth-century
manuscript, Codex Grecus 708, now located in the Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public
Library in St. Petersburg. To this day, his publication remains the authoritative
text of the Hermeneia. In this edition, Papadopoulos-Kerameus exposed the
spurious nature of Didron’s source, and he included five other texts in the
appendices as possible sources for
the Hermeneia. Vasile Grecu, a Romanian
scholar, published another edition based on Romanian versions of the text in

1936.18
16. Porphyrii Uspenskii, Eрминия или наставление в живописном искусстве составленное
иеромонахом и живописцем Дионисием Фурнографиотом (Kiev, 1868). The original manuscript
that Uspenskii translated into Russian is now lost.

17. Athanasios Papadopoulos-Kérameus, Ερμηνεία της ζωγραφικής τέχνης (manual of the art of
painting), (St. Petersburg: Imprimerie B. Kirschbaum, 1909).

18. Vasile Grecu, Cărti de pictură bisericească bizantină (Cernauti, 1936). This edition is also a
republication of the Hermeneia copied by Archimandrite Makarie in 1805
A number of translations and editions have been made from copies of
Dionysius’s Hermeneia as early as the second half of the eighteenth century; many
of these were hand-copied by artists for use in the field. George Kakavas has
catalogued over 41 manuscript copies of the Hermeneia,
and it is thought that
many more existed but are now lost or destroyed through arduous usage.19 The
original autograph manuscript of Dionysius also remains lost, and no known
copy of the manuscript dates back from before the second half of the eighteenth
century. However, the edition published by Papadopoulos-Kerameus is very
likely an exact replication of the archetypal text, at least in terms of content.
Having compared two of the earliest manuscript copies of the Hermeneia (the
Codex Grecus 708, dating to the second half of the eighteenth century, and the
Codex Benaki 58, dated 1768), Kakavas found both to be virtually identical.20
According to Kakavas, both manuscripts were probably copied directly from the
original, and they can be trusted in its stead.21

Two crucial works must be given special consideration in relation to the
argument at hand. The first is the English translation of the Hermeneia by Paul
19. Kakavas, Dionysios of Fourna, Appendix IV.
20. Ibid, 18.
21. Ibid, 18-19.

Hetherington, published in 1974.22 Hetherington translated the Codex Grecus 708
into English, and he provided copious annotations and explanations of the
manuscript within his edition. The second is a recent study of Dionysius and the
Hermeneia by George Kakavas published in 2008.23 Kakavas incorporated
Dionysius’s painted works together with the literary context of the Hermeneia in
order to interpret the ideas expressed by the eighteenth-century painter and
author. Kakavas also provided the reader with a translation of the biography of
Dionysius, recorded by the hiero-monk Theophanes of Agrapha, and descriptions
of several important primary sources, such as the documented exchanges
between Dionysius and his correspondents.24



C
ritical literature and scholarly interpretations of the Hermeneia are few.
Some information is available in the summary of post-Byzantine art published in
1957 by Andreas Xyngopoulos.25 Nevertheless, much work remains to be done
on eighteenth-century post-Byzantine culture in general. Regarding the
Hermeneia of Dionysius, the publications by Hetherington and Kakavas remain
the most extensive studies on the subject to date.


22. Hetherington, The ‘Painter’s Manual.’ The version published in 1974 was republished in 1989.
The study at hand references the more recent publication.
23. George Kakavas, Dionysios of Fourna (c.1670-1745): Artistic Creation and Literary Description
(Leiden: Alexandros Press, 2008).
24. Ibid, 64-72. In these pages Kakavas translated the biography of Dionysius, written by
Theophanes of Agrapha, found in the Codex Benaki 37 on folia 73-80.
25. Andreas Xyngopoulos, Σχεδίασμα Ιστορίας της Θρησκευτικής Ζωγραφικής μετά την
Άλωσιν (An Outline of the History of Religious Painting after the Fall), (Athens: Archeological
Association of Athens, 1957), 292-311
 
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Steven Avery

Administrator
(2013)
Giovanni Mazzaferro ?

The manuscript of Mount Athos, made known by Mr Didron, is not a code of Byzantine art, but is due to an author (in fact Dionisio da Furnà) who wrote it in the middle of the Eighteenth century. The text of Dionysus was then partially manipulated by a known forger, Constantine Simonidis, packaged as if it were medieval and delivered to Didron, who naively fell in that trap. It is useless to search for the presence of a very remote tradition: anyone who reads these pages would identify, if anything, a clear connection with the late Venetian art, as evidenced by the presence of a few terms (such as, for example, the entry νατουράλε) that are typical of Italian art workshops.

[4] These findings are confirmed by Sergio Bettini, who, in an article published in 1941 in the Atti dell’Istituto Veneto di Scienze Lettere ed Arti, insists on Didron’s naivety as well as the credulous nature of those who scrambled to see in the guide of Dionysius "even the ‘master code’ of the Byzantine pure technique." Dionysius - is said on p. 181 - "appears, in the light of the documents and the examination of the works, as a belated... Greek-Venetian painter, in short, a ‘madonnero’. Indeed, the technique he encoded and the iconography he described, appear as typical for a ‘madonnero’, both in terms of technics and 'iconography’.” And later, at p. 183: "the same sources that [Dionysus] used are not at all pure Byzantine, reflecting at most the technique... by Theophanes the Cretan and, above all, the one by Panselino: in both cases, artists who were already deeply influenced by Italian art".

cod. gr. 708 Saltykov-Shchedrin Library in St. Petersburg,

The old French version presented by Adolphe N. Didron in 1845 and repeatedly used by various scholars, offers limited reliance, "and – in a countless number of cases – does not intend and misrepresents the meaning of the writing". Often "curious, incomprehensible or even absurd expressions will arise."

Nov

29



Dionisio da Furnà, Ermeneutica della pittura [Hermeneutics of Painting], (a cura di Giovanna Donata Grasso)

Translation by Francesco Mazzaferro
CLICK HERE FOR THE ITALIAN VERSION

Dionisio da Furnà
Ermeneutica della pittura
[Hermeneutics of Painting]
Edited by Giovanna Donato Grasso
Introduction by Sergio Bettini


Fiorentino Publishing House, 1971





[1] This is the story of a fake medieval Byzantine manuscript. While the manuscript was recognised as a forgery since the beginning of 1900, still today someone is so obstinate (or simply not informed) to pass it off as original. In 1839, Adolphe Napoléon Didron went to Greece to study the Byzantine art. And there, wandering among the monasteries of Mount Athos, got in his hands a guide to making art, the author of which (the painter Dionisio da Furnà) provided guidance on technical measures to be followed and iconographic characteristics to be respected. Mr Didron thought he had stumbled on a manuscript which, though completed in sec. XV or at the latest in the next one, reported norms and behaviours of a much elder age, dating back to the Tenth or Eleventh century, as claimed by local monks. This would have been the time when the well-known controversy on the religious legitimacy of the use of the images had been just resolved.


[2] The text, translated by Paul Durand and supplemented by a presentation and the notes by Mr Didron, appeared in Paris in 1845. The work immediately attracted the interest of scholars and, at least initially, gained their consent. In 1847, in the first volume of his Materials for a history of Oil Painting, Charles L. Eastlake spoke of the "Byzantine manuscript lately edited by Messrs. Didron and Durand "and recalled that "the present inhabitants of Mount Athos suppose that it was written in the Tenth or Eleventh century." A few years later the first edition in modern Greek came out, greatly influenced by Didron. Later on, a German translation by Schäfer (Trier, 1855) became the version commonly used by scholars for years.


[3] Over time, however, the enthusiasm faded and then cooled, giving rise to various reserves. At p. 16 of the Letteratura Artistica, Schlosser attributed to Heinrich Brockhaus and the "Greek publisher Papadopulos Kerameus [in 1909] the merit of having shown that [the Treaty] does not belong at all, as was thought, to the days of the dispute on iconography" or to any time close to it. The manuscript of Mount Athos, made known by Mr Didron, is not a code of Byzantine art, but is due to an author (in fact Dionisio da Furnà) who wrote it in the middle of the Eighteenth century. The text of Dionysus was then partially manipulated by a known forger, Constantine Simonidis, packaged as if it were medieval and delivered to Didron, who naively fell in that trap. It is useless to search for the presence of a very remote tradition: anyone who reads these pages would identify, if anything, a clear connection with the late Venetian art, as evidenced by the presence of a few terms (such as, for example, the entry νατουράλε) that are typical of Italian art workshops.


[4] These findings are confirmed by Sergio Bettini, who, in an article published in 1941 in the Atti dell’Istituto Veneto di Scienze Lettere ed Arti, insists on Didron’s naivety as well as the credulous nature of those who scrambled to see in the guide of Dionysius "even the ‘master code’ of the Byzantine pure technique." Dionysius - is said on p. 181 - "appears, in the light of the documents and the examination of the works, as a belated... Greek-Venetian painter, in short, a ‘madonnero’. Indeed, the technique he encoded and the iconography he described, appear as typical for a ‘madonnero’, both in terms of technics and 'iconography’.” And later, at p. 183: "the same sources that [Dionysus] used are not at all pure Byzantine, reflecting at most the technique... by Theophanes the Cretan and, above all, the one by Panselino: in both cases, artists who were already deeply influenced by Italian art".


[5] The idea of having discovered a manuscript with the secrets of Byzantine art is however fascinating and captivated even the most unexpected. In 1940, the ‘Osservatore Romano’ proposed to translate the writings of Dionysius in Italian, using the work of Didron. In his earlier mentioned writing Bettini took a firm view exactly against this proposal. "The inaccuracies and the ingenuity of a Didron, perhaps excusable at his time - is told at p. 196 – would not be excusable any more today, especially if being the consequence of a second-hand examination: therefore, producing today, as proposed, an Italian translation of the bad French translation by Didron... would not "fill" any gap: worse than useless, it would be simply shameful for our culture."


[6] Bettini’s claims resulted so convincing, that we had to wait until 1971 to see this Italian version of hermeneutics of Dionisio da Furnà, which was however conducted on very different assumptions. The curator, in fact, has used the 1909 edition of the Papadopolo-Kerameus, based on cod. gr. 708 Saltykov-Shchedrin Library in St. Petersburg, and has abandoned the lessons of Didron. And most importantly, she is well aware that this is a manuscript of an Eighteenth century artist coming from the Cretan area.

[7] It is Bettini himself who wrote the introduction to the work of Giovanna Donato Grasso 's writing. Bettini’s piece is of great interest. Here it is enough to point out that according to the scholar (see p. liv), the translation presented here "is the first reliable, to appear in a Western language." The old French version presented by Adolphe N. Didron in 1845 and repeatedly used by various scholars, offers limited reliance, "and – in a countless number of cases – does not intend and misrepresents the meaning of the writing". Often "curious, incomprehensible or even absurd expressions will arise."


[8] However, it is curious that, periodically, Didron’s text is being passed off again as original, like if it tried coming back, as if nothing had happened. In 2003, Arkeios editions have published the translation of the Didron edition (edited by PierLuigi Zoccatelli), talking, once again, of the ancient Byzantine manuscript, of secrets jealously guarded for centuries and now fortunately exposed to our view, without saying anything about the controversy that had erupted from 1909 onwards. No comment.


[9] In more recent years the "false Byzantine manuscript" of Dionisio da Furnà came back again to the fore following the debate (which has had extensive press coverage) on the authenticity or otherwise of the so-called Artemidorus Papyrus. Luciano Canfora took a strong stance against the originality of the same, and argued that it is precisely a work by Constantin Simonidis, the same forger that would have contributed to render the text of Dionisio da Furnà more "Byzantine", by way of manipulation. In this regard, Luciano Canfora noted in the opening words the amazing coincidences in the incipit between the two works, which seem to support the thesis that a single hand might have drafted the two texts.
 
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Steven Avery

Administrator
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Dokumen


Technologies ‘Made in Greece’

Most probably Simonides knew about it through his education as a painter and engraver as well as via foreign travellers who were using the camera obscura frequently.34 Furthermore, it should be noted that the first photo studios of the newly established Greek state, shortly after the invention of the new medium, beside Athens, were set up on Mount Athos.35 Simonides himself, being a person who visited several libraries worldwide and resided in the monasteries of Mount Athos and at Saint Catherine’s on Sinai – both places claiming to possess the largest reservoir of manuscripts and early printed books – he could have easily accessed fundamental sources containing theories of optics, vision, light and colour as for example basic works like The Book of Optics (printed in 1572 by Friedrich Risner, see Fig. 16.1) by the medieval Arab scholar known as Alhazen (965– 1039/40) or the popular Magiae Naturalis (1558) by Giambattista della Porta (ca. 1535– 1615). All these treatises were accessible in various editions, and they all contained similar descriptions of burning mirrors and camerae obscurae (Fig. 16.2). The attempt to cast images of the real world by optical aids led to the development of technical innovations regarding the projection, reflection and fixation of the image on a surface, either by copying the image with the technique of traditional anthivola, with the help of a camera obscura, camera lucida or with curved mirrors, or later on by capturing it with chemical photography.36

Fig. 16.2 Ink drawing of a camera obscura from an early seventeenth century illustrated Sketchbook on military art, including geometry, fortifications, artillery, mechanics, and pyrotechnics (Rosenwald Coll. ms. no. 27, p. 249; Library of Congress, Rare Books and Special Collections Division). 195

Mirrors and Mirroring

According to my understanding, Simonides is trying meticulously to sneak in the idea of a Renaissance back in Byzantine time. For the Greeks, the return to the classical principles of image-making was not a re-discovery, but a continuation process that preserved the ancient Greeks’ achievements through Byzantium. Moreover, he underlines the significance of the Byzantine link for the transmission of knowledge to the West and the development of sciences and the arts. In cases where the sources do not attest to his theoretical schema, he allows himself to help a little. In this context Simonides goes another step further in his mystification of the painter Panselinos: he publishes an engraving of the Evangelist Matthew’s portrait, a facsimile of a fresco painting allegedly preserved on Mount Athos and made by Hierotheus in the fifth century. The latter was a disciple of Manouel Panselinos (Simonides 1861 and 1862, frontispiece). The painting bears no similarities to any other painting by Panselinos or his disciples and is rendered in a clearly western, naturalistic style, which comes to confirm Didron’s declaration of Panselinos to be ‘le Raphaèl ou plutót le Giotto de l’école byzantine’.37 In a commentary to the painting, which eventually develops into a concise treatise on Byzantine art in general, Simonides concludes that garments and ornaments in this painting ‘denote the affinity between Grecian and Byzantine art’.38 It is again Rangavis who reveals the fraud: he confirms that he himself saw Simonides in the library for hours, copying an image from a large book. If we now summarize Simonides’ balancing act between fact and fiction according to what has been said above, we reach the following conclusion: his presumed philological editions are meticulously made to look like scientific editions. In an age when philology as a scientific field flourished, Simonides emulated the characteristics of widely circulating philological editions by imitating the printed image, adding footnotes and annotations, transcriptions, illustrations, engravings and facsimiles. In the footnotes, he clearly differentiates between his own words (‘editor’s notes’) and quotes (source references). In my mind, what is striking is his constant concern to advertise and confirm the originality and authenticity of the presented text. To forestall critics, Simonides denies his authorship in his editions, arguing that he never could have that much imagination. But when it comes to credibility and originality, why is the text so easily debunked as a fake? Simonides is – like almost every other counterfeiter – an incorrigible narcissist; in the end, he does not want to be remembered as the mere publisher of the discovered texts, but as their author. And if it were not for his conspicuous (in some cases unethical and criminal) intention to deceive, Simonides would have earned poetic laurels. Disillusionment leads above all to the fact that the quoted sources and names of persons, places and writers cannot be verified by other sources as they do not appear anywhere else. According to Rangavis (1851, 595), it is also the similarities in style in all discovered manuscripts that convict him as a forger. In addition to the personal motivations that drive each counterfeiter – Anthony Grafton cites social or professional ambitions, fun or hatred39 – Simonides clearly has also ideological reasons. His forgeries, as has been shown, have mainly socio-political intentions: through his ‘discoveries’ he tries to shape the image of Greece outside its tight borders, and therefore he makes an earnest effort to contribute to the process of nation196

Technologies ‘Made in Greece’

building. At the same time, he takes advantage of the zeal of the Europeans – mostly German and French travellers and scholars – who demonstrated an increasing interest in the late antique and medieval culture of the Greek-speaking world. In Greece, the Simonides phenomenon became a national affair: the newspapers took sides either in favour or against him. In the end a committee of experts was formed to decide on the authenticity of the manuscripts, and whether the publication of his works, which would be deemed a national treasure if their authenticity was proven, should be promoted by the state or not. The committee of experts under the ‘Bavarian Reign’, resolved that a large part of the Simonideian corpus should be genuine. Patriotic motivation still plays a fundamental role in the ongoing recognition of his work. This is evident in a hitherto unpublished poetic reception of Simonides’ Symais by Kalodoukas N. Kyramarios (also Kyramaridis Polynikou Simaiou, 1862–1945). The poem, which relates the history of the island of Syme from the year 1885,40 lists the inventors and their inventions mentioned in Symais and praises Simonides himself as the ‘wise man who best told the story of the island of Syme’. Simonides’ nationalist-patriotic counterfeiting activities are undoubtedly an extreme and dazzling case. Despite this, it highlights and illuminates the interrelated processes of nineteenth-century nation-building and how the education of the nation is involved with fictional narratives. Early research on nationalism was in constant use of concepts such as ‘invented traditions’ (Eric Hobsbawm) or ‘imagined communities’ (Benedict Anderson). Simonides provides us with an idealistic and almost stereotypical example of the temptations of fiction for national narratives.41 If we come back to the subject of mirrors and mirroring we can summarize their usage in art (painting, photography) and science (technological inventions) by projecting on two figures: Narcissus and Prometheus. Although they seem to be very different figures, Narcissus and Prometheus have one thing in common: the mirror. Nikolas Calas, who was mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, had outlined the relation between Narcissus and Prometheus in an inspirational way. We can conclude with his words: ‘The doctrine of art for art’s sake makes of art the mirror of art and of Narcissus the opposite of Prometheus. The dichotomy must be overcome. Fire is produced by holding a mirror to the sun’ (Calas 1975, 9). One could argue that Simonides himself bears characteristics of both Narcissus and Prometheus: on the one hand, he possesses narcissistic selfadmiration, on the other hand he displays creative ambitions. Simonides is not writing for himself; his works are not meant to be just belles lettres. His actions are aiming at a wider audience, pursuing highly ambitious cultural-changing goals.

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Steven Avery

Administrator
The Manual had and still has a wide circulation among painters but became public only after a French translation was edited by Adolph Didron and Paul Durand in 1845. They discovered the book in 1839, during a journey on Mount Athos.21 Konstantinos Simonides, who visited Mount Athos at about the same time as the French travellers, made a copy of his own from the original manuscript around 1840, which he later offered to the Frenchmen.22


22. See Omont 1888, 367, No. 38 and Kakavas 2008, 11. According to Omont 1888, 367, 38 and 39 and ibid. 1890, 432–433, there were two manuscripts in the Municipal Library in Chartres that came from Paul Durand to the library. Durand No. 827 (in Omont No. 38) is a copy made by Simonides at Athos around 1840 (Pap. 268 fol. P.); Durand 828 (in Omont No. 39) is a copy made by Durand (Pap. 409 fol. P). However, the former was destroyed during a bombing in 1944, see Hetherington 1974, V Fn. 7 and Kakavas 2008, 270–271. The manuscript 243 contained a note written by Durand (Hetherington 1974, v. 7) stating it was purchased from Simonides in 1847. There was a note from Simonides, that he had found it on Mount Athos on 15 March 1840 and copied it (Omont, 1888, 3, 367, no. 38). See also PapadopoulosKerameus 1909, ε’, footnote 3 and Kakavas 2008, 11 footnote 23. For further headings of the manuscripts related to Simonides see Papadopoulos-Kerameus 1909, ιγ’-ιε’, Fn. 1. 23. Papadopoulos-Kerameus 1909, ε’-η’, ιδ’-κε’ and Kakavas 2008, 11. 24. See Lykourgos 1856, 45ff. Brockhaus 1891: 158–161 deals extensively with the question of the linguistic differences between the manuscripts. Sathas 1868, 99–100, on the other hand, is deceived by Simonides and sees in the modern Greek of the manual an important example for the vernacular of the fifteenth century, its alleged time of writing.
 
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Steven Avery

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