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Thread: Antonio Carlini and Hermas - the DBS article

  1. Default Antonio Carlini and Hermas - the DBS article

    The last few months I have been looking into the Antonio Carlini article that is referenced here.

    Let's see what Kirk de Vietro has to say on this aspect.

    Hermas and Barnabas scholars (my notes)

    Paolo Cacconi (with Tornau) - The Shepherd of Hermas in Latin
    https://independent.academia.edu/PaoloCecconi

    Antonio Carlini
    http://www.accademiafiorentina.it/?pg=prolusione_di_antonio_carlini
    Il pastore (Ia-IIIa visione) (Papyrus Bodmer) (Greek Edition): (1991)
    http://www.amazon.com/Papyrus-Bodmer.../dp/3856820256
    ================

    While the material can be very important, and help support the understanding that Simonides was involved in the writing of the manuscript, the method of presentation by Kirk di Vietro is far too raw to be of much assistance.


  2. Default

    Sending #2
    More On The False Sinaiticus Manuscript
    Sent By Dr. Kirk DiVietro

    Here's another article Dr. DiVietro Found on the false Sinai manuscripts date and auhor. He wanted others in the DBS and others to have it.

    Antonio Carlini
    Constantine Simonidis and the text of the Shepherd of Hermas
    The Greek textual tradition of the Shepherd of Hermes is strongly asymmetrical: very rich in the ancient phase
    (the diffusion of the text is demonstrated by over 30 papyrus and parchments come to light, from the two ancient
    Latin versions, from the Ethiopian version as well as numerous testimonies to ecclesiastical writers and profane),
    It is decidedly resolved in the Middle Ages: only one manuscript survives and has handed over almost all the
    text in 9 sheets (a tenth sheet with the final part of the work has been lost): It is codex Athous Gregoriou 96,
    three sheets of which were bought in 1855 by the Universitäts-Bibliothek (University Library) in Leipzig,
    unfortunately lost due to war events in the Second World War.1 These are the two Latin translations that saved
    the entire text, one dating back to the end of the IInd century, made a few decades after the final editing of the
    Pastor (the so-called Vulgate); the other later, written in the IV-Vth century (the so-called Palatina). The Vulgate,
    known by many manuscripts, attests to the diffusion and the reading of the Pastor in the Western world in the
    Middle Ages, when the Greek original, repeatedly condemned by ecclesiastical authority, lived hidden from a
    few sought.2
    Starting from the first printed edition of Faber Stapulensis (1513)3 and until the middle of the 19th century, the
    Shepherd is only known in the Latin text of the Vulgate. Although it is known, thanks to the many ancient
    witnesses, the reality of an original draft of the text in Greek and by some scholars, it is hoped that the original
    will be found. The edition of the Apostolic Fathers by Jean-Baptiste Cotelier at the end of the 17th century is
    naturally emblematic, presenting the Latin text of the Vulgate, but with the Greek fragments set here and there,
    which are recovered from the quotations of the Fathers of the Church from Irenaeus, Clemente Alexandrinus,
    Origen. The desire to recover the Greek text is expressed in very vivid terms by Hugo Grotius who in a letter
    to Nic. Fabricius Peiresc repeats what he confesses to having already said to Lukas Holste: "dixeram ei
    (Holstenio) quod et tibi dictum flight, magno me ardere desire habendi and Graecia Pastorem Hermae, adeo
    praedicatum iam ab Irenaei temporibus librum ("I told Holstenio that your flight has been great for me to have a burning desire
    for the Greek Pastor Hermes. So much of the book has already been quoted many times by Ireneus,).4 This ardent desire that was
    shared by other scholars would have been granted, but only in 1855 with the discovery of (the) codex of the Holy
    Mountain in the Monastery of San Gregorio, in wholly unique circumstances,.
    It was precisely in 1855 that Constantine Simonides burst onto the scene, who can rightly be called the
    discoverer of Hermes's atonite?? Codex; but immediately he becomes the protagonist of acts that throw a sinister
    light on the same find. Besides, he had a little reassuring precedent. In Athens he presented a manuscript of
    Homer to a commission nominated by the Greek government, which turned out to be a copy of Wolf's edition
    of which errors had been acknowledged. He had declared, boasting, that he possessed a manuscript in which
    various places of the Bosphorus were indicated in which the Commens would hide precious manuscripts in fear
    that they would fall into the hands of the Latins after the capture of Constantinople in 1204. In Constantinople
    he had first buried and then found , inter alia (among others), a parchment manuscript with a poem by Aristotle,
    but in expensive characters. Once again unmasked, he decided to change the air, emigrating to England, hoping
    to find a better reception and a more favorable ground for his traffic. A.D. Mordtmann drawing, in the
    Allgemeine Zeitung (General Newspaper) of Augsburg on 28 November 1853, A Profile of the 'Forgery' Simon
    has no doubts about its danger: «Es ist also dringend anzurathen Simonides unter keiner Bedingung ein
    Manuscript anzuvertrauen, indem es dadurch für alle Zukunft werthlos würde. From Simonides sich
    1 For an overview of the textual tradition of the Pastor, after Whittaker 1956, ix-xxiv, cf. Leutzsch 1998, 117-124. For the recent
    acquisitions, Carlini 2008, 207-213 and Carlini / Bandini 2011, 91-105.
    2 Among the readers of Hermes we can perhaps place Massimo Planude: Ferroni 2003, 109.
    3 Lefèvre d'Etaples edited the edition of Hermes with other works including Hildegard of Bingen: Liber trium virorum et trium spiritualium
    virginum, Paris 1513.
    4 The passage of the letter is also reported by Barth 1655, 846-847.
    ausschliesslich auf dieses Fach geworfen hat, so ist er mit allen chemischen und mechanischen Mitteln der
    Schriftauslöschung hinlänglich bekannt, und besitzt ausserdem eine wunderbare Gabe at the möglichen
    Schriftarten täuschend, selbst in Betreff der Tinte, nachzuahmen; überdiess ist er Lithograph (It is therefore urgent
    to advise Simonides, under no circumstances, to entrust a manuscript, thereby rendering it worthless for all future generations. From
    Simonides has thrown himself exclusively on this subject, he is well acquainted with all the chemical and mechanical means of deletion
    of the text, and also has a wonderful gift at the possible fonts deceiving, even with regard to the ink imitate; He is also a lithographer)».5
    Simon. in recent years he has acquired great notoriety for the dispute over the papyrus of Artemidorus on which
    it is not possible to enter here. Luciano Canfora, a determined supporter of the non-authenticity of the papyrus,
    gave it exactly to Simon. And in his various interventions aimed at illuminating the personality of this
    'counterfeiter' capable of imitating ancient scriptures he has collected (with the collaboration of Luciano
    Bossina) a very useful dossier of documents that give a precious direct testimony of the formation, culture,
    contacts, Simon's behavior. in various environments and in various situations.6
    Simon arrived in Leipzig after a stay in England on July 17, 1855 and was hosted by a Greek friend, Alexander
    Lykurgos, who then studied theology at the University of Leipzig. Simon had brought with him three sheets of
    a paper codex from the beginning of the XIVth century, undoubtedly containing portions of the Greek text of
    Hermes long desired.7 But he had also brought a transcription of the other sheets of the Codex he had made,
    he said, during a stay at Athos. This material, exhibited, with the help of Lykurgos acting as interpreter, Rudolf
    Anger and the Greek prince of Leipzig, Wilhelm Dindorf, could not but arouse sensation ("Das ist Hermas! (This
    is Hermes!)" is Simon's exclamation).8 It may surprise the casual security with which Simon presented himself
    in the austere Lipsiese academic environment and presented his 'treasure'; he said he had long stayed at Athos,
    followed and protected by his uncle Benedetto (Igloo of the Pantonemon monastery) who had taught him Greek
    palaeography and had named him the heir of his many precious books.9 Thus, when Hermes's Greek source
    came to light, he had been in a position to prepare a transcription of all the sheets of the Codex, which also
    appeared difficult to read because they were written in minute writing, full of abbreviations.
    Anger and Dindorf prepare an edition of the Pastor in great haste to make the Greek Hermes available to the
    scholarly community.10 Instead of bringing out the original Greek here and there from ancient witnesses like
    Cotelier, the two editors could now exhibit a continuous text. That of Anger and Dindorf is an issue with weak
    documentary bases, because, apart from the portions of text 'covered' by three original sheets, the Apographon
    Simonidis will be seriously altered.11 In the same year, 1856, Tischendorf published a new edition, putting the
    problem of the true source of the Greek text «lipsiense» (which he judged was the result of retroversion).12 But
    for three decades, even learned publishers such as Dressel, Gebhardt and Hilgenfeld will be forced to deal with
    Simon's transcription, until the discovery and the autopsy of Lambros of the unexplored sheets of the Atonite
    5 The text of Mordtmann can be read in Canfora / Bossina 2008, 123-130: 130; the Italian translation has been resumed in Camphor 2011,
    106-113: 113.
    6 Canfora / Bossina 2008, 121-192.
    7 For the precise content of these sheets, Witthaker 1956, ix.
    8 Lykurgos 1856, 3.
    9 Lykurgos 1856, 45-46.
    10 Anger / Dindorf 1856. The examination of the edition says that one owes to Anger the collation of the Codex Lipsiensis (the three
    authentic sheets of Athos) and the Apographon Simonidis (the transcription of the other sheets left in their seat), as well as the analysis of
    the relationships between direct and indirect tradition and indication of the criteria followed in the constitution of the text (Praefatio, v-xxv);
    in Dindorf we owe the discussion of a series of problematic places that can be healed or interpreted thanks to the comparison with the
    Vulgate and the packaging of the Greek Index (xxvi-xxxii). Anger uses the adjective "archetypus" in the sense of "original", as already in
    classical Latin (Rizzo 1973, 308-309): "... in Lips Codex. ipsum textum archetypum, not interpretationem ex Latin demum factam contineri
    »(xv). A few years earlier, Madvig and Lachmann had theorized the exclusive use of the term "archetype" to indicate the lost progenitor
    of all surviving witnesses.
    11 Anger segnala opportunamente le parti di testo coperte dall’una e dall’altra fonte.
    12 Tischendorf 1856 e Tischendorf in Dressel 1863, iii-iv.
    Codex.13 Harnack, reviewing in 1888 the collation of the Codex Athous made by Lambros with the Apographon
    Simonidis, which had also been used in the edition of Gebhardt to which he had collaborated (1877), comes to
    count more than 600 places in which Simon had altered the original: "theils aus Flüchtigkeit, theils aus
    Muthwillen, indem er bei unleserlichen Stellen, kleinen Lücken (die Handschrift hat ziemlich viele Risse oder
    Löcher) u. s. w. einfach substituirte, was ihm passend erschien, vielleicht auch schon hie und da, wie bei seiner
    späteren völlig gefälschten Abschrift, auf die lateinische Version einen Blick warf (Partly out of volatility, partly out
    of the will to courage, in the case of illegible passages, small gaps (the manuscript has many cracks or holes), and so on. s. w. simply
    substituted, which seemed fitting to him, perhaps even now and then, as in his later completely forged transcript, threw a glance at the Latin
    version.)».14 But Harnack feels entitled to claim the work of good philology and says that Gebhardt was able to
    heal about 300 of those cases of alteration of the Codex Athous, conjecturally or with the help of the old
    versions.
    Harnack speaks in general terms of deliberate interventions on the text of the Pastor («aus Muthwillen (according
    to Muthwillen») by the 'copyist' Simon engaged in the transcription; we, listening to Lykurgos' testimony that had
    welcomed him friendily in his house before discovering his material constructions of fakes and his machinations,
    can give credit to his strong suspicion that Simon, wanting to build (as he actually built) even a Hermes's
    palimpsest, he sought in his transcription to hide or obscure some good lessons of the Codex Athous and then
    present them again as a novelty in his palimpsest. Lykurgos says: «Der Grund, weshalb Simonides diese
    Veruntreuungen im Hermastexte ausführte, wurde mir erst später genug klar. Er hatte nämlich den Plan gefasst,
    ein Palimpsest des Hermas zu verfertigen, wozu er muthmasslich altes Material reservirte (The reason why Simonides
    carried out these misappropriations in the Hermas text became clear to me later enough. For he had made the plan to make a palimpsest
    of Hermas, for which he reserved presumably old material.)».15
    Simon, one day in September 1855, confided to his friend Lykurgos that he had written to his brother in
    Alexandria with the prayer to send him a palimpsest which was there among the many manuscripts in his
    possession. What Simon, according to his statements, managed to get the answer of his brother within three
    weeks, through the ordinary mail, and materially the palimpsest is very suspicious to Lykurgos. The fact is that
    the desired palimpsest materialized soon; Lykurgos found him a bifolio with a superior writing of the XIIth
    century is an inferior 'ancient' writing and he was intimated: «Verbirg das und zeige es Niemand (Hide this and show
    it to no one.)».16
    This product of Simon's expert and accurate work still exists, preserved in the Österreichische Nationalbiliothek
    (Austrian National Library) in Vienna: it is the Vindob. Suppl. Gr. 119. Was it purchased from the Imperial Library
    of Vienna or was it instead a gift from Simon, as the catalog card say?17 The second hypothesis is more probable:
    Simon, after the judicial misadventures that he had immediately thought he could re-credit himself, boasting
    the presence of one of his artifacts in a prestigious institution. In the biographical essay on Simon, (Biographical
    Memoir), written by Charles Stewart (Is Simon himself?), in 1859, as an argument to defend against the
    accusation of fabricating false ancient manuscripts, regarding the Hermes palimpsest contested by Tischendorf,
    reads: «the value of the manuscript ist best ascertained by the fact that the Imperial Library at Vienna The
    specimen of false palimpsest was presented in the 2001.18 Sonderausstellung des Papyrusmuseum der
    Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek (Special exhibition of the Papyrus Museum of the Austrian National Library).19 How was
    it packaged? Simon, using a two-sided parchment of a codex of the XIIth century which contained the Apostolic
    Letters (we read fragments of the first letter of Peter and the first of John), presented, transversely to the upper
    13 E' del 1888 la collazione integrale del Codex Athous (Lambros 1888).
    14 Harnack 1888, col. 304.
    15 Lykurgos 1856, 6.
    16 Lykurgos 1856, 7.
    17 Hunger 1994, 204.
    18 Elliott 1982, 131.
    19 Gastgeber 2001, 105 (with photographic reproduction: Abb. 45).
    writing, in a beautiful round capital, strictly bilinear, some lines of the end of VIII and the beginning of the IXth
    Similitude of the Shepherd.20 He also imitated the setting of the page of the ancient manuscripts on multiple
    writing columns. The bifolio of used parchment Codex is of unknown origin.
    It is true, as has been said, that heavy doubts about Simon's behavior. they surfaced in those who lived with him
    in the same house and saw very suspicious artifacts appear. But Simon had fully won Dindorf's trust21 and had
    convinced himself that he could do business with him well. The incredible story of the history of the ancient
    Egyptian dynasties of Uranios presented in a palimpsest by Simon. In Dindorf and from these at the Royal
    Academy of Sciences in Berlin he is firmly bound with the story of the text of Hermas. There is no need to
    dwell. Although Dindorf had been warned by Lykurgos and then, very authoritatively, by Tischendorf who,
    having just seen the Uranium palimpsest, had immediately judged it to be false in the same way as Hermes's for
    paleographic reasons,22 Dindorf was so convinced of the authenticity that he immediately poured 2000 thalers
    and then gave full support to the purchase by the Berlin Academy for 5000 thalers (the huge expense had to be
    covered in part by an extraordinary grant from the ruler of Prussia23); the Egyptologist Karl Richard Lepsius,
    initially convinced of the authenticity (so as to anticipate 2500 thalers), submitting to timely examination the
    text became aware of some oddities, in the first place that it appeared, incorporated in the text, in imaginative
    conjecture made by the historian Christian Bunsen in the work Aegyptens Stars in der Weltgeschichte (Egypt's
    Stars in World History)24 to fill a gap in our knowledge of Egypt. This was the alarm bell that triggered appropriate
    measures. The interruption of the Leipzig police (alerted by the Berlin police) at Simonides' house at the end
    of January 1856 allowed to find evidence of the trick: a series of tools to operate (sheets of parchment and
    papyrus, chemical inks, rusty nails to make other ink, etc.), as well as a copy of the Bunsen treatise in which
    there was (marked in red) the conjecture 'endorsed' by the palimpsest. Finally, Simon, with a decree of
    expulsion, was placed, at least temporarily, in a position to no longer harm the prestige of German philological
    science with its fantastic 'creations'.25
    But one should not think that a character like Simon, even though he was dishonored from Saxony, condemned
    himself to inaction.26 There is still an episode in connection with the Pastor who sees him a few years later. His
    great enemy, both as regards the text of Hermas exhibited by him, and as regards the text of Uranios, had been
    Tischendorf; we have already seen the heavy reservations about the alleged antiquity of the writing of the two
    documents which, however, had not had the power to stop Dindorf. In the case of Hermes, Tischendorf, as we
    have already seen, had initially affirmed, against Anger's opinion, that the Greek text was brought to Leipzig
    by Simon could not be original, but it was far more likely to be the result of a retrovertion from the Latin, from
    the Middle Ages.27 Later he returned with sincerity on what was said, correcting his position.
    20 Hunger 1994, 203-204.
    21 Just the dedication in Greek with which Dindorf accompanied the gift of a copy of his edition of Homer: Kwnstantivnw / Simwnivdh /,
    ajndri; polumaqestavtw / kai; tw`n ajrcaivwn bivblwn palimyhvstwn ajnagnwvsth / Lugkevw ~ ojxuderkestevrw /. Lykurgos after quoting
    the dedication (Lykurgos 1856, 9) allows himself to recommend to Prof. Dindorf a more correct use of the adjectives in the construction
    of the sentence.
    22 Detailed palaeographic analysis of Tischendorf in Lykurgos 1856, 76-85.
    23 The price more than doubled was justified according to Dindorf (intervention in the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung of 6. 2. 1856 in Canfora
    / Bossina 2008, 161-166) because it included the expenses that would have been necessary for the study of the other manuscripts in
    possession of Simon. not yet received in Leipzig.
    24
    25 A detailed account of the whole story of the Uranios palimpsest with the judicial epilogue can be read in Lykurgos 1856, 7-25. The
    intervention by Gustav Freytag (Der Grenzbote 1856, Nr. 7, reproduced in Canfora / Bossina 2008, 145-151) is also precise and balanced.
    Dindorf's position is embarrassed: the philologist takes note of Simon's unmasking. on the part of his colleague Lepsius and the judicial
    outcome and tries, painfully, to justify his behavior (Camphor / Bossina 2008, 161-166). Effective synthetic exposition of «Uranios-Skandal»
    in Schaper 2011, 129-143.
    26 The most immediate polemical objective could only be Lepsius; against him Simon. wrote a pamphlet from Monaco entitled On the
    authenticity of the Uranios (Freytag 1856, in Canfora / Bossina 2008, 150).
    27 Tischendorf 1856; Tischendorf in Dressel 1863, xliv-lv ("De Herma graeco lipsiensi").
    We can follow the early stages of the dispute thanks to the very words of Tischendorf who writes first a
    "Bericht" appeared in the Dresdner Journal, No. 30 of February 5, 185628 and subsequently adds a large note
    (dated Easter 1863) to the Praefatio of the second edition of the Patres Apostolic of Albert Dressel (Dressel
    1863, i-iv). One can understand the origin of the critical evaluation error in which Tischendorf had fallen. There
    are indeed significant convergences (in particular apparent textual 'expansions') between the Vulgate version
    and the Codex Athous which now criticizes, in light of subsequent papyraceous findings, justifies as proof of
    the belonging of the two witnesses to an autonomous tradition and clearly distinct from the one represented, for
    the Visions, from the Sinaiticus, from the Papyrus XXXVIII, as well as from the Palatine and the Ethiopian.29
    It was easy to think, p. es. that I panou`rgou~ ei\ peri; ta/~ grafa/~ of Vis. III 3, 5 were the result of retroversion
    from the Latin (versutum esse circa scripturas [devices will be about the writings]), especially after having made
    the Sinaitic collation which is devoid of that sequence. There are also other textual expansions that characterize
    the convergent testimony of the Codex Athous and the Vulgate.30 Do not forget that the Greek language of
    Hermes exhibits a series of Latinisms that may have appeared as a suggestion of a Latin model. If, therefore,
    on this point Tischendorf corrected his position, he remained unyielding in the condemnation of the palms of
    Hermes and Uranios, from the first moment he had them under his eyes (January 22, 1856), present Dindorf.
    The judgment of Tischendorf is clear: «Mein Erstaunen war nicht gering, als ich schon nach wenig Minuten auf
    beiden Blättern eine Menge paläographischer Eigenthümlichkeiten bemerkte, die mir als innere Widersprüche
    in dem Charakter der Schrift galten. Besonders waren es die Formen des e, des m, des u und vollends die des
    a, welche ich als solche bezeichnen musste, die mir noch in keiner der vielen ähnlichen von mir gelesenen
    Handschriften des höchsten Alterthums vorgekommen waren (My astonishment was not slight when, after only a few
    minutes, I noticed on both pages a lot of palaeographical peculiarities which I considered to be internal contradictions in the character of
    the writing. Especially the forms of the e, the m, the u, and the very ones of the a, which I had to designate as such, had not yet occurred
    to me in any of the many similar manuscripts of the highest antiquity I have read.)».31 The rejection was therefore for exquisitely
    palaeographical reasons and, given the authority of Tischendorf, that judgment weighed.32 As we have seen,
    other (and heavier) tests had also been brought against the authenticity of the Uranium palimpsest, but Simon
    identified in Tischendorf the great enemy who had discredited him on a technical level. And then, after some
    time, at the end of 1862, he devised a sensational form of revenge against him. In order to take away from
    Tischendorf the honor and merit of having brought to light an ancient manuscript which was proving to be of
    primary importance for the reconstruction of the biblical text, he did not hesitate to attribute to himself the
    packaging, made in youth, of that sumptuous fake ancient artifact. At that time Tischendorf was about to release
    the edition of the text contained in the Sinaitic (with tables also of the Pastor). J. K. Elliott has collected the
    copious documentation concerning the "Simonides-affair". The Guardian of September 3, 1862, hosted a long
    letter from Simon. who told the story of a project he devised, in agreement with his uncle Benedict, in 1839: to
    make an extraordinary gift to Tsar Nicholas I of a complete Bible (with also the Apostolic Fathers) in parchment
    and in capital letters, he had assumed the task (not easy, but for which he felt equipped) to copy in an elegant
    'old' style of Old and New Testament writing, as well as the Epistle of Barnabas and Shepherd of Hermas,
    renouncing however to the other Apostolic Fathers. It is precisely the content of the Sinaitic. After completing
    the work, he had presented the parchment codex to the patriarch Costanzo (who had been bishop of Sinai),
    receiving the suggestion to donate it to the Monastery of Santa Caterina because that was the ideal destination.
    Unbeknownst to Simon the Codex was then over, evidently by Costanzo, precisely at Sinai, where he saw it on
    his journey, much more disappointed because he had to note that the initial sheet had been eliminated with the
    dedication to the tsar.
    The lock of the letter that Simon says he wrote for the sake of truth and to protect the sacred text from
    28 The "Bericht" is republished in Lykurgos 1856, 66-73 (in particular 68 and No. 2).
    29 Carlini 1991, 21-22.
    30 Two other cases (Visions III 6, 2 and Vis. III 5, 4) are also referred to by Tischendorf (in Dressel 1863, iii-iv); but for a complete picture
    of the AL1 convergences against Sinait. Bodmer L2 Etiopic, Carlini 1983, 98-99.
    31 Lykurgos 1856, 69.
    32 For the echo raised in France by the dispute over Hermes and Simon., Jallabert 1858.
    imposture is eloquent in defending his behavior and in the accusation against Tischendorf: "In conclusion, you
    must permit me to express my sincere regret that, while the many valuable remains of antiquity in my possession
    I am very much aware of my own hands, I am very much aware of my work. We remain incredulous before this
    testimony, made (to say the author) pro veritate.33
    The first response of October 2, 1862 (The Clerical Journal) is rapid and liquidating; in a second letter
    (Allgemeine Zeitung of December 23), Tischendorf, after having spoken, in mockery, of the «Sinaitic written
    in 1839» and having branded Simon. as "this fabulist and rival of Palaephathus", it substantially refers the reader
    to its edition in 4 volumes in which it will be possible to see the mine of new, important, original lessons.34 But
    we must not believe that the dispute soon became quiet: many will be, as documented by Elliott, the
    interventions in the press of the «Opponents» (to Simon.), But also of the «Defenders».35 And Simon does not
    feel in the corner if, when he publishes the Periplus by Annone (London, 1864), in the list of his works he
    inserts, in the nr. 40 and n. 41, "his" Sinaitic:
    40. Codex Friderico-Augustanus. jEggravfh mevn uJpo; K. Simwnivdou, ejn [Aqwni tw`/ 1839
    41. Bibliorum Codex Sinaiticus Petropolitanus. jEgravfh mevn kaiv tou`to ejn [Aqwni tw'/ o[rei uJpo;
    Simwnivdou, ejxedovqh dev uJpov tou` Kaqhghtou` Tissendorfivou, tw~ ajrcai`on dh`qen, ejn Liyeiva /
    tw`/ 1863.36
    Precisely from the case of the Shepherd of Hermas, one can clearly see what Simon's way of doing was. which
    skilfully mixes authentic documents, personal transcriptions, tendentially altered by sheets of codes kept in
    places that are difficult to access, artefacts made by him of sound plant, even ancient codes boldly claimed.
    Creativity, fiction and cheating: with his 'arts', he almost failed to deceive the learned of the Berlin Academy.37
    33 The letter in Elliott 1982, 26-30.
    34 On the 'defense' of Simon., Made after some time (1907) by James Anson Farrer (Farrer1907), Camphor 2010, 236-244.
    35 On the reaction of Tischendorf, Elliott 1982, 31-34.
    36 Elliott 1982, 170-172.
    37 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1927, 18: "Doch hätte um die Mitte des vorigen Jahrhundert ein Grieche Simonides der mehr der Art
    verbrochen hat, die Gelehrten der Berliner Akademie beinahe mit einer” (But by the middle of the last century a Greek Simonides, who
    had done more of a crime, had nearly broken the scholars of the Berlin Academy with one.)
    Abbreviazioni Bibliografiche
    Anger, R./Dindorf, W.: Hermae Pastor graece primum ediderunt et interpretationem veterem latinam ex
    codicibus emendatam addiderunt R. A. et G. D., pars prior quae textum graecum continet, Lipsiae 1856.
    Barth, C.: Claudiani Ecdicii Mamerti De statu animae libri tres, C. B. edidit. Ad haec Hermae vetustissimi
    theologi Pastor cum animadversionum libro C. B., Cygneae 1655.
    Canfora, L./Bossina, L.: Wie kann das ein Artemidor-Papyrus sein? Ma come fa a essere un papiro di
    Artemidoro?, Bari 2008.
    Canfora, L.: Il viaggio di Artemidoro. Vita e avventure di un esploratore dell’antichità, Milano 2010.
    Canfora, L.: La meravigliosa storia del falso Artemidoro, Palermo 2011.
    Carlini, A.: La tradizione manoscritta del Pastor di Hermas e il problema della composizione dell’opera, in:
    Festschrift zum 100-jährigen Bestehen der Papyrussammlung der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek,
    Textband, Wien 1983.
    Carlini, A: Papyrus Bodmer XXXVIII. Hermes, Il Pastore (Ia-IIIa Visione), edito con introd. e comm. critico da
    A. C. (con la collaborazione di L. Giaccone), Genève-Cologny 1991.
    Carlini, A.: I nuovi papiri di Ossirinco e il testo del Pastore di Hermes, in: Studi offerti ad Alessandro Perutelli,
    I. Roma 2008.
    Carlini, A./Bandini, M .: The Shepherd of Hermas: new testimonies and old problems, in: Bastianini,
    G./Casanova, A. (Hgg.) Proceedings of the International Conference of studies in memory of Mario Naldini,
    Florence, 10-11 June 2011, Florence 2011, 91-105.
    Dressel, R. M .: Patrum Apostolicorum Opera [...] recensuit atque emendavit [...] R. M. D., editio altera aucta
    supplementis ad Barnabae Epistolam and Hermae Pastorem ex Tischendorfiana codicis Sinaitici editione
    haustis, Lipsiae 1863.
    Elliott, J. K: Codex Sinaiticus and the Simonides Affair. An Examination of the nineteenth century claim that
    Codex Sinaiticus was not an ancient manuscript, Thessaloniki 1982.
    Farrer, J.A .: Literary Forgeries. Whit an Introduction by A. Lang, London 1907.
    Ferroni, L .: Compendia Planudea: an unpublished witness for the indirect medieval tradition of the Shepherd
    of Hermes, in: RPL 26 (2003) 99-109.
    Gastgeber, Chr .: Der Fälscher Konstantinos Simonides, in: Chr. Gastgeber (Hg.): Kopie und Fälschung, Graz
    2001, 93-108.
    Gebhardt, O./Harnack, A .: Hermae Pastor graece points to the Latin version of the recent and Palatine Codex,
    recensuerunt et illustraverunt O. de G./A. H., Patrum Apostolicorum Opera, fasciculus III, Lipsiae 1877.
    Grafton, A .: Forgers and Critics. Creativity and Duplicity in Western Scholarship, Princeton 1990.
    Harnack, A .: Die Wiederauffindung der Athoshandschrift des Hirten des Hermas, in: Theologische
    Literaturzeitung 1888, Nr. 12, 303-305.
    Hilgenfeld, A .: Hermae Pastor graece and codicibus Sinaitico et Lipsiensi [...] restituit, commentary critic et
    adnotationibus instruxit A. H., editio altera emendata et valde aucta, Lipsiae 1881.
    Hunger, H .: Katalog der griechischen Handschriften der österreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Teil 4:
    Supplementum Graecum, Wien 1994.
    Jallabert, P.J .: Hermas et Simonides. Etude sur la controverse récemment soulevée en Allemagne par la
    découverte d'un manuscrit grec dit 'Le Pasteur d'Hermas', Paris 1858.
    Lambros, S. P .: A Collation of the Athos Codex of the Shepherd of Hermas together with an Introduction,
    translated and edited with a Preface and Appendices by J. A. Robinson, Cambridge 1888.
    Leutzsch, M .: Papiasfragmente. Hirt des Hermas, eingeleitet, herausgegeben, übertragen und erläutert von
    U.H.J. Körtner und M.L., Darmstadt 1998, 105-510.
    Lykurgos, A .: Enthüllungen über den Simonides-Dindorfschen Uranios, zweite ... vermehrte Auflage, Leipzig
    1856.
    Rizzo, S .: The philological lexicon of the Humanists, Rome 1973.
    Schaper, R .: Die Odyssee des Fälschers. Die abenteuerliche Geschichte des Konstantin Simonides, der Europe
    zum Narren hielt und nebenei die Antike erfand, München 2011.
    Tischendorf, C .: Hermae Pastor graece ex fragmentis Lipsiensibus instituta quaestione de vera graeci textus
    Lipsiensis source edidit A.F.C. Tischendorf. Formerly edited Patrum Apostolicorum Dresseliana centum
    exemplaribus repetitum, Lipsiae 1856.
    Tischendorf, C .: Novum Testamentum Sinaiticum sive Novum Testamentum cum epistula Barnabae et
    fragmentis Pastoris. Former Sinaitic Codex accurate descripsit A.C. Tischendorf, Lipsiae 1863.
    Whittaker, M .: Der Hirt des Hermas, herausgegeben von M.W., Berlin 1956.
    Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, U .: Geschichte der Philologie, in: Gercke, A./Norden, E. (Hg.): Einleitung in die
    Altertumswissenschaft, straight Auflage, Leipzig und Berlin 1927.



  3. Default

    Sending #1
    More On The False Sinaiticus Manuscript Sent By Dr. Kirk DiVietro
    Here's another article Dr. DiVietro Found on the false Sinai manuscripts date and author. He wanted others in the DBS and others to have it.

    Antonio Carlini

    Constantine Simonidis and the text of the Shepherd of Hermas The Greek textual tradition of the Shepherd of Hermes is strongly asymmetrical: very rich in the ancient phase (the diffusion of the text is demonstrated by over 30 papyrus and parchments come to light, from the two ancient Latin versions, from the Ethiopian version as well as numerous testimonies to ecclesiastical writers and profane), It is decidedly resolved in the Middle Ages: only one manuscript survives and has handed over almost all the text in 9 sheets (a tenth sheet with the final part of the work has been lost): It is codex Athous Gregoriou 96, three sheets of which were bought in 1855 by the Universitats-Bibliothek (University Library) in Leipzig, unfortunately lost due to war events in the Second World War. 1 These are the two Latin translations that saved the entire text, one dating back to the end of the IInd century, made a few decades after the final editing of the Pastor (the so-called Vulgate); the other later, written in the IV-Vth century (the so-called Palatina). The Vulgate, known by many manuscripts, attests to the diffusion and the reading of the Pastor in the Western world in the Middle Ages, when the Greek original, repeatedly condemned by ecclesiastical authority, lived hidden from a few sought.2

    Starting from the first printed edition of Faber Stapulensis (1513)3 and until the middle of the 19th century, the Shepherd is only known in the Latin text of the Vulgate. Although it is known, thanks to the many ancient witnesses, the reality of an original draft of the text in Greek and by some scholars, it is hoped that the original will be found. The edition of the Apostolic Fathers by Jean-Baptiste Cotelier at the end of the 17th century is naturally emblematic, presenting the Latin text of the Vulgate, but with the Greek fragments set here and there, which are recovered from the quotations of the Fathers of the Church from Irenaeus, Clemente Alexandrinus,

    Origen. The desire to recover the Greek text is expressed in very vivid terms by Hugo Grotius who in a letter to Nic. Fabricius Peiresc repeats what he confesses to having already said to Lukas Holste: "dixeram ei (Holstenio) quod et tibi dictum flight, magno me ardere desire habendi and Graecia Pastorem Hermae, adeo praedicatum iam ab Irenaei temporibus librum ("I told Holstenio that your flight has been great for me to have a burning desire for the Greek Pastor Hermas. So much of the book has already been quoted many times by Ireneus,).4 This ardent desire that was shared by other scholars would have been granted, but only in 1855 with the discovery of (the) codex of the Holy Mountain in the Monastery of San Gregorio, in wholly unique circumstances,.

    It was precisely in 1855 that Constantine Simonides burst onto the scene, who can rightly be called the discoverer of Hermes's atonite?? Codex; but immediately he becomes the protagonist of acts that throw a sinister light on the same find. Besides, he had a little reassuring precedent. In Athens he presented a manuscript of Homer to a commission nominated by the Greek government, which turned out to be a copy of Wolf s edition of which errors had been acknowledged. He had declared, boasting, that he possessed a manuscript in which various places of the Bosphorus were indicated in which the Commens would hide precious manuscripts in fear that they would fall into the hands of the Latins after the capture of Constantinople in 1204. In Constantinople he had first buried and then found , inter alia (among others), a parchment manuscript with a poem by Aristotle, but in expensive characters. Once again unmasked, he decided to change the air, emigrating to England, hoping to find a better reception and a more favorable ground for his traffic. A.D. Mordtmann drawing, in the Allgemeine Zeitung (General Newspaper) of Augsburg on 28 November 1853, A Profile of the 'Forgery' Simon has no doubts about its danger: «Es ist also dringend anzurathen Simonides unter keiner Bedingung ein Manuscript anzuvertrauen, indem es dadurch fur alle Zukunft werthlos wiirde. From Simonides sich

    1 For an overview of the textual tradition of the Pastor, after Whittaker 1956, ix-xxiv, cf. Leutzsch 1998, 117-124. For the recent acquisitions, Carlini 2008, 207-213 and Carlini / Bandini 2011, 91-105.

    2 Among the readers of Hermes we can perhaps place Massimo Planude: Ferroni 2003, 109.

    3 Lefevre d'Etaples edited the edition of Hermes with other works including Hildegard of Bingen: Liber trium virorum et trium spiritualium virginum, Paris 1513.

    4 The passage of the letter is also reported by Barth 1655, 846-847. ausschliesslich auf dieses Fach geworfen hat, so ist er mit alien chemischen und mechanischen Mitteln der Schriftausloschung hinlanglich bekannt, und besitzt ausserdem eine wunderbare Gabe at the moglichen Schriftarten tauschend, selbst in Betreff der Tinte, nachzuahmen; iiberdiess ist er Lithograph (It is therefore urgent to advise Simonides, under no circumstances, to entrust a manuscript, thereby rendering it worthless for all future generations. From Simonides has thrown himself exclusively on this subject, he is well acquainted with all the chemical and mechanical means of deletion of the text, and also has a wonderful gift at the possible fonts deceiving, even with regard to the ink imitate; He is also a lithographer) ».

    5 Simon, in recent years he has acquired great notoriety for the dispute over the papyrus of Artemidorus on which it is not possible to enter here. Luciano Canfora, a determined supporter of the non-authenticity of the papyrus, gave it exactly to Simon. And in his various interventions aimed at illuminating the personality of this 'counterfeiter' capable of imitating ancient scriptures he has collected (with the collaboration of Luciano Bossina) a very useful dossier of documents that give a precious direct testimony of the formation, culture, contacts, Simon's behavior, in various environments and in various situations.

    6 Simon arrived in Leipzig after a stay in England on July 17, 1855 and was hosted by a Greek friend, Alexander Lykurgos, who then studied theology at the University of Leipzig. Simon had brought with him three sheets of a paper codex from the beginning of the XIVth century, undoubtedly containing portions of the Greek text of Hermes long desired.

    7 But he had also brought a transcription of the other sheets of the Codex he had made, he said, during a stay at Athos. This material, exhibited, with the help of Lykurgos acting as interpreter, Rudolf Anger and the Greek prince of Leipzig, Wilhelm Dindorf, could not but arouse sensation ("Das ist Hermas! (This is Hermes!)" is Simon's exclamation).

    8 It may surprise the casual security with which Simon presented himself in the austere Lipsiese academic environment and presented his 'treasure'; he said he had long stayed at Athos, followed and protected by his uncle Benedetto (Igloo of the Pantonemon monastery) who had taught him Greek palaeography and had named him the heir of his many precious books.

    9 Thus, when Hermes's Greek source came to light, he had been in a position to prepare a transcription of all the sheets of the Codex, which also appeared difficult to read because they were written in minute writing, full of abbreviations. Anger and Dindorf prepare an edition of the Pastor in great haste to make the Greek Hermes available to the scholarly community.

    10 Instead of bringing out the original Greek here and there from ancient witnesses like Cotelier, the two editors could now exhibit a continuous text. That of Anger and Dindorf is an issue with weak documentary bases, because, apart from the portions of text 'covered' by three original sheets, the Apographon Simonidis will be seriously altered.

    1l In the same year, 1856, Tischendorf published a new edition, putting the problem of the true source of the Greek text «lipsiense» (which he judged was the result of retroversion).

    12 But for three decades, even learned publishers such as Dressel, Gebhardt and Hilgenfeld will be forced to deal with Simon's transcription, until the discovery and the autopsy of Lambros of the unexplored sheets of the Atonite
    5 The text of Mordtmann can be read in Canfora / Bossina 2008, 123-130: 130; the Italian translation has been resumed in Camphor 2011,
    106-113: 113.

    6 Canfora / Bossina 2008, 121-192.

    7 For the precise content of these sheets, Witthaker 1956, ix.

    8 Lykurgos 1856, 3.

    9 Lykurgos 1856, 45-46.

    10 Anger / Dindorf 1856. The examination of the edition says that one owes to Anger the collation of the Codex Lipsiensis (the three authentic sheets of Athos) and the Apographon Simonidis (the transcription of the other sheets left in their seat), as well as the analysis of the relationships between direct and indirect tradition and indication of the criteria followed in the constitution of the text (Praefatio, v-xxv); in Dindorf we owe the discussion of a series of problematic places that can be healed or interpreted thanks to the comparison with the Vulgate and the packaging of the Greek Index (xxvi-xxxii). Anger uses the adjective "archetypus" in the sense of "original", as already in classical Latin (Rizzo 1973, 308-309): "... in Lips Codex, ipsum textum archetypum, not interpretationem ex Latin demum factam contineri »(xv). A few years earlier, Madvig and Lachmann had theorized the exclusive use of the term "archetype" to indicate the lost progenitor of all surviving witnesses.

    11 Anger segnala opportunamente le parti di testo coperte dall'una e dall'altra fonte.

    12 Tischendorf 1856 e Tischendorf in Dressel 1863, iii-iv.
    Codex.13 Harnack, reviewing in 1888 the collation of the Codex Athous made by Lambros with the Apographon Simonidis, which had also been used in the edition of Gebhardt to which he had collaborated (1877), comes to count more than 600 places in which Simon had altered the original: "theils aus Fliichtigkeit, theils aus Muthwillen, indem er bei unleserlichen Stellen, kleinen Liicken (die Locher) u. s. w. einfach substituirte, was ihm passend erschien, vielleicht auch schon hie und da, wie bei seiner spateren vollig gefalschten Abschrift, auf die lateinische Version einen Blick warf (Partly out of volatility, partly out of the will to courage, in the case of illegible passages, small gaps (the manuscript has many cracks or holes), and so on. s. w. simply substituted, which seemed fitting to him, perhaps even now and then, as in his later completely forged transcript, threw a glance at the Latin version.)». 14 But Harnack feels entitled to claim the work of good philology and says that Gebhardt was able to heal about 300 of those cases of alteration of the Codex Athous, conjecturally or with the help of the old versions.
    Harnack speaks in general terms of deliberate interventions on the text of the Pastor («aus Muthwillen (according to Muthwillen») by the 'copyist' Simon engaged in the transcription;
    we, listening to Lykurgos' testimony that had welcomed him friendily in his house before discovering his material constructions of fakes and his machinations, can give credit to his strong suspicion that Simon, wanting to build (as he actually built) even a Hermes's palimpsest, he sought in his transcription to hide or obscure some good lessons of the Codex Athous and then present them again as a novelty in his palimpsest. Lykurgos says: «Der Grund, weshalb Simonides diese Veruntreuungen im Hermastexte ausfiihrte, wurde mir erst spater genug klar. Er hatte namlich den Plan gefasst, ein Palimpsest des Hermas zu verfertigen, wozu er muthmasslich altes Material reservirte (The reason why Simonides carried out these misappropriations in the Hermas text became clear to me later enough. For he had made the plan to make a palimpsest of Hermas, for which he reserved presumably old material.)».

    15 Simon, one day in September 1855, confided to his friend Lykurgos that he had written to his brother in Alexandria with the prayer to send him a palimpsest which was there among the many manuscripts in his possession. What Simon, according to his statements, managed to get the answer of his brother within three weeks, through the ordinary mail, and materially the palimpsest is very suspicious to Lykurgos. The fact is that the desired palimpsest materialized soon; Lykurgos found him a bifolio with a superior writing of the Xllth century is an inferior 'ancient' writing and he was intimated: «Verbirg das und zeige es Niemand (Hide this and show it to no one.)».

    16 This product of Simon's expert and accurate work still exists, preserved in the Osterreichische Nationalbiliothek (Austrian National Library) in Vienna: it is the Vindob. Suppl. Gr. 119. Was it purchased from the Imperial Library of Vienna or was it instead a gift from Simon, as the catalog card

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