Westcott-Hort 1870 Gospels, committee Greek text, 1881 GNT and the Revision

Steven Avery

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Peter Gurry

By 1870, an installment of all four Gospels was printed and circulated privately by the publishers,55 brought
to press, Hort tells us, because of the work of the revision committee.56 This printing would include a
“temporary introduction” written by Hort which markedly diƦferent from the ƧƬnal introduction included with
volume one.57 A second would be printed in July 1871 followed by installments of Acts in February 1873, the
Catholic Letters in December of the same year, the Pauline epistles in February 1875, and Revelation in
December of 1876.58 These tended to follow the schedule of the revision committee as attested by letters from
Hort to Macmillan requesting their printing in time for the committee’s next meetings.59
Along with the letters, these installments give us a unique window on the editorial decisions made in this
period. The existence of the 1870 edition of the Gospels is of special interest. It goes unmentioned in their ƧƬnal
edition and is not noted in their respective Life and Letters and I have not seen any later scholars discuss it.60 It
is, however, described brieƥƷy by Eduard Reuss in 187261 and comes up in the authors’ unpublished
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his proofreader in Rev. Hilton Bothamley although none of their correspondence is included in the Cambridge
letter collection.53 All of this meant, according to Hort, that “everything will pass under four pairs of eyes; but
this plan involves loss of time as a matter of course.”54
By 1870, an installment of all four Gospels was printed and circulated privately by the publishers,55 brought
to press, Hort tells us, because of the work of the revision committee.56 This printing would include a
“temporary introduction” written by Hort which markedly diƦferent from the ƧƬnal introduction included with
volume one.57 A second would be printed in July 1871 followed by installments of Acts in February 1873, the
Catholic Letters in December of the same year, the Pauline epistles in February 1875, and Revelation in
December of 1876.58 These tended to follow the schedule of the revision committee as attested by letters from
Hort to Macmillan requesting their printing in time for the committee’s next meetings.59
Along with the letters, these installments give us a unique window on the editorial decisions made in this
period. The existence of the 1870 edition of the Gospels is of special interest. It goes unmentioned in their ƧƬnal
edition and is not noted in their respective Life and Letters and I have not seen any later scholars discuss it.60 It
is, however, described brieƥƷy by Eduard Reuss in 187261 and comes up in the authors’ unpublished
correspondence.62 The only copy I am aware of is held in reserve at Trinity College, Cambridge.63 Its most
obvious diƦference with the 1871 installment and the ƧƬnal 1881 edition is to be found at the end of John’s Gospel
where the pagination has been aƦfected.64 The issues are three: how to relate chapter 21 to the preceding
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chapters, how to relate 21.24–25 to each other and the formatting of the passage on the woman caught in
adultery (7.53–8.11).
Starting with the last ƧƬrst, the Pericope Adulterae is not to be found at all in the 1870 installment. This,
however, may be a printing error as it is mentioned in the introduction as being found “alone at the end of the
Gospels with double brackets”65 just as it would be in the 1871 installment and still in ƧƬnal 1881 edition. Likewise,
Reuss mentions this placement explicitly in his summary of the edition in 1872. Perhaps it was a misprint due to
a failure in communication (cf. note 57 above). However, it is clear from the letters that the ƧƬnal placement was
their plan from very early on. In a letter to Vansittart in May of 1865, Hort explained their reasoning:



53 Though he is mentioned by Hort in letter 78, dated October 8, 1864.
54 LLH, 2.35. Later W. F. Moulton would also provide corrections to the 1870 printing according to his William F. Moulton: A Memoir
(London: Isbister, 1899), 176.
55 See letter of Hort to Macmillan, dated Dec. 26, 1870 in the Macmillan Archives and cf. LLH, 2.148.
56 LLH, 2.137. For a careful look at supplementary role this played alongside other editions used by the committee, see
Cadwallader, Politics of the Revised Version, chap. 4.
57 Hort to Macmillan on June 28, 1870: “I have just sent you […] of the temporary introduction, which may go to press as soon as
you like. I send also my clean copy of the gospels, which I shall be glad to have back when you have done with it. I forgot to say that the
ƧƬrst leaf of the following sheet containing the story of the Woman taken in Adultery will have to go with the last of the gospels” (British
Library, Macmillan Archive, vol. CCCIX). For the role of this introduction in the revision committee’s work, see Cadwallader, “Politics of
Translation,” 430.
58 As noted in B. F. Westcott and F. J. A. Hort, The New Testament in the Original Greek: Introduction, Appendix, 2nd ed. (London:
Macmillan, 1896), 18. Cf. LLH, 2.148; LLW, 1.430.
59 See letters dated Jan. 17 and Nov. 21, 1873 in British Library, Macmillan Archive, vol. CCCIX. In the former letter, forty-ƧƬve copies
of Acts are requested.
60 The exception being A. Cadwallader.
61 Eduard Reuss, Bibliotheca Novi Testamenti Graeci cuius editiones ab initio typographiae ad nostram aetatem impressas quotquot
reperiri potuerunt (Braunschweig: Schwetschke, 1872), 246–47.
62 Notably in Add. MS 6597, letters 134–136, dated July and August 1869.
63 The introduction is signed “Christmas 1870” and there is a sticker from the “University Press, Cambridge” hand-dated November
17, 1870 and initialed as what appears to be “W.C.” The library class number for this particular volume is 272.c.87.27.
64 Like the ending of John, Westcott and Hort discussed the ending of Romans (Add. MS 6597, letters 139–140, dated February
1870), but the formatting was not changed there between the 1875 installment and the ƧƬnal edition in 1881. Cf. F. J. A. Hort, “On the End
of the Epistle to the Romans,” Journal of Philology 3, no. 5 (1871): 51–80.
correspondence.62 The only copy I am aware of is held in reserve at Trinity College, Cambridge.63 Its most
obvious diƦference with the 1871 installment and the ƧƬnal 1881 edition is to be found at the end of John’s Gospel
where the pagination has been aƦfected.64 The issues are three: how to relate chapter 21 to the preceding
 

Steven Avery

Administrator
3.5 Publication
What ƧƬnally seems to have pushed Hort to press was the impending publication of the Revised Version. Hort
was intent on having their text out before it. Exactly why is not clear from the letters, but we may surmise that
he wanted the publication dates to reƥƷect the true direction of inƥƷuence. If so, his hope was all too fulƧƬlled as
many wrongly concluded that the Westcott and Hort text was the underlying text for the RV when, in fact, it had
been used by the committee which had to agree to a two-thirds majority on all changes. The confusion as well
as the suggestion that the committee was bound to their text annoyed Hort. He wrote to Westcott, “I too have of
late been inclining to think that the absurd identiƧƬcation of texts should be repudiated, and perhaps by
ourselves if no one else will do it, though it would come better from others.”80 This did eventually happen to
Hort’s apparent satisfaction81 with the publication of a defense by two members of the revision committee.82
They pointed out, among other things, that the Greek text behind the Revised Version stood with Westcott and
Hort’s against the textus receptus and against Lachmann, Tischendorf, or Tregelles in only sixty-four places.83
Given over 5,000 changes to the textus receptus, their text’s particular inƥƷuence on the resultant text is
obviously minimal however much their personal inƥƷuence may have been otherwise.84
79 David McKitterick, A History of Cambridge University Press, Volume 3: New Worlds for Learning 1873-1972 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2004), 66. The introduction to the smaller manual edition published in 1885 notes that it follows “the second and
corrected impression of the larger edition of the text, issued in December 1881” (p. 541). Letters to Hort contain a few dozen suggestions
for corrigenda (Add. MS 6597, letters 187, 199, 202).
80 Add. MS 6597, letter 184, dated February 4, 1882.
81 Add. MS 6597, letter 186, dated May 24, 1882. Of the actual inƥƷuence of their text, Patrick says it was “relatively modest: the
Company accepted their text before others in only 64 places” (Patrick, Miners’ Bishop, 28).
82 C. J. Ellicott and E. Palmer, The Revisers and the Greek Text of the New Testament by Two Members of the New Testament Committee
(London: Macmillan, 1882) which was a response to three anonymous articles later published as John W. Burgon, The Revision Revised:
Three Articles Reprinted from the Quarterly Review (London: John Murray, 1883). E. Palmer himself edited the Oxford edition of the Greek
text behind the RV in Η Καινη Διαθηκη: The Greek Text with the Readings Adopted by the Revisers of the Authorised Version (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1881).
83 Ellicott and Palmer, Revisers and the Greek Text, 41. For perspective, Cadwallader reports that the Westcott-Hort text had sixty-six
unique readings just in Matthew and none were adopted by the RV (Politics of the Revised Version, chap. 4).
84 Much has been much interest in Westcott and Hort’s possible inƥƷuence in swaying the committee against F. H. A. Scrivener who
tended to defend the traditional readings of the textus receptus. See Cadwallader, “Politics of Translation,” 424–26; Cadwallader, Politics
of the Revised Version, chap. 4.
18
As it was, the ƧƬrst volume of Westcott and Hort’s
 

Steven Avery

Administrator
21
This emphasis on avoiding “second hand work” is quite a diƦferent picture of Westcott and Hort’s method
than the one sometimes gains from modern authors. Bart Ehrman, for example, says that they “collated no MSS
themselves, but instead applied themselves to the study of collations and apparatuses made by other scholars
(see, for example, Introduction, 144). As a result, their knowledge of the documents was secondhand and
partial.”102 The Alands make a similar claim, saying that “the fact should be noted (on which there is general
agreement) that neither Westcott nor Hort ever actually collated a single manuscript but worked completely
from published material, i.e., critical editions (viz., Tischendorf).”103
Without getting into Westcott’s dissatisfactions with Tischendorf,104 this is simply not true.105 While they
certainly make ample use of published facsimiles, collations of others, and the editions of Tischendorf and
Tregelles, their correspondence reveals their many visits to see manuscripts at the British Museum, in
Cambridge, Oxford, and on the continent during holidays—all for the purpose of study and collation. A
catalogue of these and other insights stemming from their knowledge of manuscripts would expand beyond
the space we have here,106 but suƦƧƬce it to say that their ƧƬrsthand knowledge of manuscripts was hardly
deƧƬcient. To claim that their work “unfortunately … marks a step away from ƧƬrsthand engagement with the
ancient manuscripts”107 can hardly be sustained. Colwell and Tune are much closer to the mark in saying that
“Hort’s knowledge of manuscripts of the New Testament was encyclopedic.”108 In this, they provide a model to
be followed still even in the wonderous age of digital images; there remains no substitute for ƧƬrsthand
encounters with manuscripts.
102 Bart D. Ehrman, “Methodological Developments in the Analysis and ClassiƧƬcation of New Testament Documentary Evidence,”
in Studies in the Textual Criticism of the New Testament, NTTSD 42 (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 16 n. 24; repr. from NovT 29, no. 1 (1987).
103 Kurt Aland and Barbara Aland, The Text of the New Testament: An Introduction to the Critical Editions and to the Theory and
Practice of Modern Textual Criticism, trans. Erroll F. Rhodes, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989), 18. The claim is further expanded to
say they never even “personally examined a single ancient manuscript” in David L. Dungan, A History of the Synoptic Problem: The Canon,
the Text, the Composition, and the Interpretation of the Gospels (New York: Doubleday, 1999), 295; emphasis added. My thanks to Peter
Head for this latter reference.
104 See, e.g., F. J. A. Hort, “Reviews,” The Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology 4 (1859): 373–84.
105 The same correction to the record is made in Cadwallader, Politics of the Revised Version, chap. 4.
106 At the least, we should mention Hort’s key role in the sensational discovery of Codex Amiatinus’s origins as described in LLH,
2.254–258; Christopher de Hamel, Meetings with Remarkable Manuscripts (London: Allen Lane, 2016), 62. Cf. Hort’s correction of F. H. A.
Scrivener on the contents of Codex Porphyr (Add. MS 6597, letter 159, dated Feb. 16, 1877).
107 Stanley E. Porter and Andrew W. Pitts, Fundamentals of New Testament Textual Criticism (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2015), 140.
108 E. C. Colwell and Ernest W. Tune, “Method in Classifying and Evaluating Variant Readings,” in Studies in Methodology in Textual
Criticism of the New Testament, NTTS 9 (Leiden: Brill, 1969), 102.
 

Steven Avery

Administrator
OMITTED - contradicts his emphasis in the Textual Con-Man collective discussion

Westcott: Oct 12, 1853
"As to our proposed recension of the New Testament text, our object would be, I suppose, to prepare a text for common and general use...With such an end in view, would it not be best to introduce only certain emendations into the received text, and to note in the margin such as seem likely or noticeable - after Griesbach's manner"
 

Steven Avery

Administrator
nothing about the seance with Augustus De Morgan and occult wife Sophia,
🙂

nothing about Communion of the Saints
 
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Steven Avery

Administrator
he barely mentions Burgon, a HUGE omission

they discussed what to do about the fact that he tore it to shreds.

This makes no sense numerically.
This did eventually happen to
Hort’s apparent satisfaction81 with the publication of a defense by two members of the revision committee.82
They pointed out, among other things, that the Greek text behind the Revised Version stood with Westcott and
Hort’s against the textus receptus and against Lachmann, Tischendorf, or Tregelles in only sixty-four places.83
Given over 5,000 changes to the textus receptus, their text’s particular inƥƷuence on the resultant text is
obviously minimal however much their personal inƥƷuence may have been otherwise.84

81 Add. MS 6597, letter 186, dated May 24, 1882. Of the actual inƥƷuence of their text, Patrick says it was “relatively modest: the
Company accepted their text before others in only 64 places” (Patrick, Miners’ Bishop, 28).
82 C. J. Ellicott and E. Palmer, The Revisers and the Greek Text of the New Testament by Two Members of the New Testament Committee
(London: Macmillan, 1882) which was a response to three anonymous articles later published as John W. Burgon, The Revision Revised:
Three Articles Reprinted from the Quarterly Review (London: John Murray, 1883). E. Palmer himself edited the Oxford edition of the Greek
text behind the RV in Η Καινη Διαθηκη: The Greek Text with the Readings Adopted by the Revisers of the Authorised Version (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1881).
83 Ellicott and Palmer, Revisers and the Greek Text, 41. For perspective, Cadwallader reports that the Westcott-Hort text had sixty-six
unique readings just in Matthew and none were adopted by the RV (Politics of the Revised Version, chap. 4).
84 Much has been much interest in Westcott and Hort’s possible inƥƷuence in swaying the committee against F. H. A. Scrivener who
tended to defend the traditional readings of the textus receptus. See Cadwallader, “Politics of Translation,” 424–26; Cadwallader, Politics
of the Revised Version, chap. 4.
 

Steven Avery

Administrator
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https://www.facebook.com/groups/467217787457422/permalink/887010368811493/

Peter Gurry, CBGM pusher, has a new trick to throw sand on the distinctions between the pure Reformation Bible and the corrupt Westcott-Hort recension. They go back to 1871-1881 and they find some references to Hortian variants that are totally oddball. They are not TR of course, but they are also not in Lachmann, Tischendorf or Tregelles. (This is working off a quote from Hort so I do not think these are actually documented.) Then they say, from this quote from Hort in some archives, that these particular, unknown, wild and wacky variants did not make it into the Revision. So, therefore the Hortian text was not so unique. It really is that dumb. They are working off some quotes in Alan Cadwallader's book on the decrepit Revision. The ETC discussion is here, look at the bottom quotes https://evangelicaltextualcriticism...howComment=1620665123146#c8544810463610344851 My attempt to correct is here in their queue that you never can tell: https://www.purebibleforum.com/inde...sion-of-1881-alan-cadwallader.1190/#post-7100 The whole PBF page can give you some backdrop.

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There was another discussion along the same line, trying to lessen the impact of Burgon's writing on the Mark ending, in the context of the decrepit Revision.

The Timing of Burgon’s Last Twelve Verses
Peter Gurry

He again uses Cadwallader. The responses from Maurice Robinson is excellent. I have a post as well.

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All of this goes to the heart of the integrity issue. The Revision was a rigged enterprise, the fix was in, to get the Westctt-Hort recension translated and published as a pseudo-church text.
That is why we get comical writing and blunders from the textcrit dupes, like Alan Cadwallader, Peter Gurry and Grantley.Robert McDonald.
If it were not so serious, it would be comedic.

==================================
And beyond that, Grantley also messed up this question of how the Revision ran their Committee.

Methodology of the Revision Committee - "list of variants"

Grantley says they did not have a new Greek text (the Westcott-Hort recension) during the Committee process.

Simply wrong. Sometimes I wonder why he gets so factually creative.

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Beyond that, on the EvangelicalTextualCriticism discussion, from 2008 to today, there has been discussion about the Westcott-Hort handouts to steer the Revision committee to use their corrupt text.
And the related issues of secrecy and pledges of se…
See more
 
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